transcending silence... 2004 Issue

 

Return to: Archives

And I Found Feminism:
The History and Contemporary Theory

 

Stacie Kryger*

 

Abstract

This research focuses on feminism's First, Second and Third Waves in order to provide a summative analysis of feminism's history to the present day. The first wave of the 1920’s is explored within its goal of achieving woman’s suffrage. Through an analyzation of pop-culture and societal attitudes, the paper explores the reasons behind the decline of the feminist movement from the 1930’s through the 1950’s.The second wave of feminism is discussed through language of its varying ideologies; radical and liberal feminism. Furthermore, the study of second wave examines the women’s movement and its growing establishment of “women-only spaces” in which to congregate and contribute. The paper then moves to discuss third wave feminism in terms of reactionary feminists, women-of-color feminists and postfeminism. Herein a critique of the third wave is addressed and proven faulty in reasoning. All of the philosophy lends itself to the use of feminism as a movement to problematize the issue of the Bush Administration’s most recent threats to reproductive rights. Furthermore, the paper is an explanation of feminism as a means to discover one’s personal capacity to create change and contribute to the constant goal of achieving true justice and social equality.



When I began this project, my objective was to study feminism’s history, its First, Second, and Third Waves, and learn about my feminist foremothers, the successes of the movement, and the issues it failed to fully conceptualize or solve. Throughout this study I have come to redefine feminism, not in terms of its heroines or its milestones, but in my own terms. I came to find feminism recently, and came to call myself a feminist even later. Feminism is not just a movement, or a set of ideals, it is an empowering feeling inside with which all people should be blessed. It has taught me courage, the sort I had never known until I learned about the women who came before me paving my way to feminism, and the women who stand beside me and support my feminist spirit. There is no better or more appropriate time to talk about feminism than now.

Feminism faces today a most volatile and dangerous time as President Bush has and continues to pose an affront to both women’s reproductive rights, and civil liberties in general. The history of feminism is most helpful in understanding the state of feminism, as a movement, today. Through an analysis and critique of First, Second, and Third Wave feminism, we can learn from the movements’ successes and shortcomings, and come one step closer to the next step, the direction in which feminism leads to combat the issues at hand.

The term, "First Wave feminism," has come to describe the Women’s Rights Movement from the early- to- mid 19th century, to the year 1921, and perhaps a few straggling years after that. The First Wave originated in the abolitionist movement, and feminism aligned with both anti-slavery and anti-racism movements. However, as the Civil War ended and suffrage was extended to former slaves and not to women, many women within the feminist movement abandoned their alliance with anti-racism. It is at this point that the new focus of the First Wave became women’s suffrage. Consequently, the movement strayed from its radical origins and came to represent the goals of white, middle and upper class women. [1] Due to this narrowed goal after the constitutional amendment was passed in August 1920, giving women the vote, First Wave feminism as a movement largely splintered over the next few years. [2]

However, this criticism of First Wave feminism does not acknowledge the immense effort that First Wave feminists put into their goal. The first Women’s Rights Convention was held in July 1848 during which feminists such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott, who were among 66 other women and 32 men, signed the Declaration of Sentiments. The document was written in similarity to the Constitution, featuring statements such as, “We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men and women are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. . .” [3] Stanton was a primary voice of the First Wave as her passion is evident in the following statements taken from her closing argument at the 1848 convention; “The world has never seen a truly great and virtuous nation, because in the degradation of woman the very fountains of life are poisoned at their source. . . It is the wise mother that has the wise son. So long as your women are slaves you may throw your colleges and churches to the winds. . .” [4] As the issue for the enfranchisement of women acquired gusto, women organized through groups such as the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), which began in 1890, and lobbied from state to state to pass legislation.

However there was a dissenting voice in the First Wave and young radical feminists such as Alice Paul craved more progress. Paul lived in England for a time and participated in the British Suffrage Movement where she learned tactics that were more confrontational in nature, such as civil disobedience. In 1913 Paul founded her own feminist group for suffrage, the Congressional Union, which lobbied for an amendment to the constitution, and revived the discussion of suffrage that had remained dormant in Congress since 1893. The Congressional Union evolved into a political party, the Woman’s Party, and grew in membership as they refused to be ignored. Paul led a revolutionary campaign for women’s suffrage by picketing then wartime president Woodrow Wilson, by standing at the White House gates. [5] The Woman’s Party members stood holding signs express such sentiments as, “President Wilson is deceiving the world when he appears as the prophet of democracy. [He] has opposed those who demand democracy for this country. He is responsible for the disfranchisement of millions of Americans. . .” [6] The signs called Wilson a hypocrite for fighting for democracy abroad but denying democracy to the Women of America.

 

Paul’s method of bringing revolutionary tactics back to the Suffrage Movement was effective, and the 19th Amendment was ratified in 1920. However, while the Amendment did enfranchise women, it did not include all women. Poll taxes and literacy tests kept Black women from voting. Perhaps the Suffrage Movement would have succeeded for all women had Black women’s groups been included in the movement. An article that appeared in the Cleveland Advocate, June 7, 1919, had the following headline, “Race Women Ask Aid of Republican Sister.” The article featured a telegram sent to Medill McCormick, national chairwoman of the Woman’s Committee of the Republican Party, part of which read as follows, “We respectfully ask that the white women of the Republican party take bold stand for the rights of Colored women. . . We ask that you go on record as favoring better state civil rights bills forbidding discrimination. . . [and] that you welcome Colored women into your organization on complete equality. . .” [7] This telegram attests to the lack of feminist and other women’s rights groups, primarily those of White membership, which allied with Black women’s rights groups. Additionally, due to a move toward conservatism in the 1920’s marked by the prohibition amendment of 1919, the feminist movement splintered, and feminism entered an age of silence that lasted nearly three decades. [8]

The Depression of the 1930’s became a new cause for feminists; however, women were not working toward progressivism or access to “male-only” jobs. The Great Depression saw the onset of a more uniform version of feminism that fought for things like the Social Security Act as “we [feminist leaders] are not feminists primarily; we are citizens.” [9] Before women could be feminists, they had to eat. As the Depression subsided and the nation entered WWII, women were asked to join the labor force and support the war effort. More than six million women worked outside the home for the first time, as wartime propaganda called upon icons like Rosie the Riveter to encourage women to join in support for their men and country. [10] As the war ended, women were expected to return to their kitchens, and many did so willingly. However, some refused and in doing so sparked a backlash against women’s rights. Many antifeminists criticized women for working, claiming that they lead to the breakdown of their families and furthermore, the breakdown of society. Consequently, conservatives and supporters of the new 1950s "nuclear family" suppressed post-WWII feminism. Pop-culture television shows such as Leave it to Beaver, advocated a stay at home mom, working father and 2.5 children living happily in an upper middle class home in Familytown, U.S.A. The 1950s also saw a large conservative backlash against Elvis Presley, his gyrating hips, and so-called “Black music.” The clean-cut, All-American, image of musical acts such as Pat Boon was threatened by the “sexually explicit” and “inappropriate” nature of “Black music” and its increasing influence and integration into “White culture.” However, much as the youth’s desire for “cool” new music would not be silenced, women would not obey passively society’s calls for their return to the kitchen. As women acquired the taste for work, it sparked the same revolutionary feminist ideals that subsided under conservatism in the 1920s. Herein, the Second Wave of feminism grew.

In the 1960’s women were back on the scene with a new feminist outlook, as the rebellious children of the 50's grew into the radical bra burners of the Second Wave. The fault of the First Wave focusing too much on one issue was a lesson to the Second Wave feminists who led a movement that broadened in many respects and focused on the larger issue of combating “women’s oppression in a society based on binary gender divisions and race and class hierarchies.” [11] When considering the Second Wave there are two concepts that are primary to the understanding of the movement, women as radicals and women as a unified force.

The 1960’s and 70’s gave rise to “grassroots women’s liberation groups” that inspired women to fight for issues such as reproductive rights, affirmative action, and equality in the workplace, through passage of the Equal Rights Amendment. Second Wave feminists largely belonged to one of two sects, either liberal feminism or radical feminism (sometimes called socialist feminism). Liberal feminists’ goals were those of bringing equality to the workplace through higher wages for women. Radical feminists on the other hand agreed that women were being subordinated publicly, in the workplace, but also privately, in the home. This belief meant that radical feminists addressed both simultaneously, arguing that the oppression of women would not be changed until it was addressed throughout all of society. [12] Due to the broad goals of radical feminism it included groups that had been excluded from a unified women’s movement. Second Wave shifted from its origins in the academy as feminism predominantly for White women of the professional class, to include lesbian, women of color and working class women feminists. [13] Where the First Wave failed, the Second Wave succeeded by increasing feminist sensitivities to racial and sexual orientation differences. [14] There was an increased call for women to establish themselves as equals in society and many feminists felt that to do so in a male-dominated world, they had to claim a space of their own.

Women needed a place to organize, congregate and be themselves; a place that was not dominated by men; in fact, a place where there were not any men at all. Across the nation, women founded coffeehouses, schools, health clinics, bars, and emergency shelters open to only women. [15] The coffeehouse seemed to be the most appropriate structure in which to organize. In Minneapolis, Minnesota one of the most successful of these coffeehouses held dances, workshops, concerts, and plays were held for women. The coffeehouse idea gave rise to separatism as a means for achieving feminist goals. Separatism was based on the ideology that “only in gaining complete autonomy from men, and in simultaneously denying men the ability to treat women as objects, servants, and second-class citizens, would patriarchy be overcome.” [16] However it is herein that feminists fueled the very stereotypes that exist today. These “radical separatists” were called lesbians (as though it were a negative term) and “man-haters,” a stigma which still exists against feminists.

In these “women-only spaces” women met and discussed issues like draft resistance, labor rights, and feminism itself. [17] The coffeehouse was also a nice place to go, offering “legitimacy, comfort and freedom from the harassment of public spaces. . . [featuring] education, activism, and dialogue.” [18] The environment created in the coffeehouse was a hub of feminist activism, including, “lesbian comedy, women’s music, fundraisers . . . [and] workshops on everything from health to auto mechanics, from global politics to socialism.” [19] These women-only spaces became places for lesbians to reclaim female homosexuality as something positive and not perverted. The coffeehouses and other women-only establishments battled homophobia, and reified the perception of female sexuality in general. However the shift from coffeehouse as center for feminist activism to coffeehouse as center for lesbian activism, alienated women of color feminists, and working-class feminists (despite their continued presence) from the closely-knit sphere. [20] The coffeehouse as center for lesbian feminism bolstered the stereotypes of feminists as masculine, wearing jeans, work boots, flannel shirts, and definitely not skirts and high heels, which signified male oppression of women. [21] This shift of the Second Wave toward the generalization of women spelled disaster for the movement.

As Second Wave moved into the 80's, the exceedingly unified, ultra concerted, super-collected, kindred face of the Second Wave is the very thing that led to its demise. Radical feminism moved toward the direction of creating a feminist culture, appealing to the “essential sameness among women.” [22] The primary critique of the Second Wave is that it generalized women too much, and sent the message that all women were the same, therefore quieting the Black and working class sects of feminism. As quoted by Lotz, Short states that in light of the Second Wave, women of color feminists were “wary of reproducing the same structures of invisibility enforced by a homogenization of ‘sisterhood’ within the women’s liberation movement that ignored the divisions forged between women of color from varying backgrounds and heritages.” [23] In essence, the mistake of Second Wave feminism was that it repressed the diversity within the movement instead of celebrating it and using it to further achieve the goals of the Second Wave. The popular song, “Sisters are doin’ it for themselves” performed by Aretha Franklin and the Eurythmics is an example of how pop-culture exemplified the attitude of woman as a homogenous group, a stigma that was prevalent throughout the movement. The song’s lyrics demonstrated this attitude with “mothers, daughters and their daughters too, woman to woman we’re singin’ with you.” Not all women are sisters, however this generalization may have also contributed to the stereotypes of all feminist women as the terms “man-haters,” “bitches,” “Fascists,” and many other perjoratives that clearly do not describe every woman, and more correctly, describe only a small percentage of feminist women. Every feminist that has come out of the closet patriarchy has put her into, runs the risk of re-identifying herself as something negative as soon as she identifies herself as “feminist.” Society has words for feminists, “the boys have words for you: cunt, ho, bitch. They say feminist like it is a nasty insult.” [24]

The truth is that Third Wave feminism is as complex as Second Wave, with its various sects. “Reactionary feminism” is one sub-group under the Third Wave movement, however this wave of thought seems to be more of a criticism of Second Wave than anything else. This pattern of criticism so prevalent in the work of Third Wave feminists has led them to be called “anti- feminists” because they offer nothing constructive to lead to new developments for feminism. [25]

Another sub-group is women of color feminists. Third Wave feminism rose first among women of color but then continued to permeate to other groups of feminists. One realization by the Third Wave was that the Second Wave “feminist theory was not sufficiently complex to understand or explain how oppression can be experienced differently within the broad category described as ‘women.’” [26] This sect is largely concerned with using theories of intersectionality to better understand and fight against oppression (from all angles) based on one’s identity. [27]

Post-feminism is a term that has come to describe a type of Third Wave feminist theory. While there is some discrepancy over the actual definition of the term, post-feminism is similar to woman of color feminism in that it seeks to “combat oppression caused by identity determinants that intersect with gender.” [28] Another dimension of post-feminism is its response to more contemporary issues than the Second Wave, such as post-structuralism, post-modernism and post-colonialism. [29] More importantly, unlike Second Wave feminism, Third Wave feminism integrates into its core feminist theory and practice, a strategy of intersectionality by recognizing differences in identity such as race, class, and sexual orientation.

A critique of Third Wave feminism says that no movement will ever be able to match the widespread involvement at a grassroots level that took place during the Second Wave. Epstein’s argument, among other things, is that in a society that is mainly concerned with monetary earnings and “the rise to the top”, feminists are largely focused on individualism. Epstein asserts “Where there were once women’s organizations with large participatory memberships there are now bureaucratic structures run by paid staff.” [30] I attribute that fact to the consistent growth in technology and the rise of the corporation since the 1970s. Perhaps Epstein is referring specifically to the National Organization for Women, which may not have an official membership list that matches one of the 70's. I wonder rather how many feminists subscribe to the electronic list serve that NOW and other organizations like The Feminist Majority provide. Thanks to the Internet, the information age is alive and well. It would be ignorant and counterproductive for organizations to fail to make use of the technology available in many people’s living rooms. In the 70's, a woman had to join an organization like NOW in order to stay in the feminist loop; however, the issues at hand today are widely publicized and the websites of NOW and other organizations feature extensive coverage of these issues. Feminism remains silent, as Epstein says, but the truth is that today there are much more efficient ways of rallying behind a cause than holding a march in a town square with signs and a megaphone. While Epstein may disagree with the Third Wave and its lack of "take to the streets" philosophy, the truth is that, “The war for peace and love and other nice things like that is not waged in protests on the street.” Inga Muscio instead proposes that, “These forms of fighting acknowledge the oppressor outside of yourself, giving that entity yet more life. The real fight for human rights is inside each and every individual on earth.” [31] According to this argument, it is not only unnecessary to hold rallies and marches, it is counterproductive to the overall goal. Epstein does applaud contemporary feminism in another aspect as she acknowledges that feminist ideals are being employed elsewhere in the world of social movements. Feminists are involved in anti-globalization and environmental activist groups, and “feminism is accepted as one of the ideological currents that shape these movements.” [32]

I think that the most fascinating aspect about Third Wave feminism is its diversity. I have come to find that there really is no definition of Third Wave ideology, and women like Epstein, stuck in their Second Wave frame of mind, would see this as a weakness. However, Third Wave feminism is applicable to each feminist on her own personal level. Third Wave is more about finding the feminism that exists within oneself and joining with other strong women for support of that new found philosophy. Like Anastasia Higginbotham said, “I was born a girl in a society that devalues women and girls,” but I would not let that intimidate me, as other feminists do not, and I proclaimed myself feminist. [33]

I tried to put every label I could place on myself before I admitted I was a feminist. Not that I am ashamed, but rather that patriarchy has told me that "feminist" is an ugly word, so I had to find my feminism inside and reclaim it as something positive instead of suppressing it. I put other names to my feminism, calling myself a democrat, an independent young woman, a freedom fighter, a lover of equality, etc. However at the end of the day and at the beginning of my collegiate career, all of these dots connect and equal feminist. Now I know that I am a feminist before I am any of those other things because my passion for those things comes from my feminism. My experience is similar to other Third Wave feminists, who will not be silenced. I’m learning to connect the dots. Christine Doza writes, “One dot for woman-hate, one for racism, one for classism, one for telling me who I can fuck. When I connect all the dots, it’s a picture of me, a picture of privilege and the way it’s disguised behind pretty white smiles.” [34] Herein, Doza addresses all of the issues with which Third Wave feminism identifies.

I can identify with these things as a feminist, as my self-proclamation echoes my upbringing. It makes sense really; I was born out of wedlock to a mom who now volunteers for the rape crisis service at our local Planned Parenthood. I was explained to, at age 10 by that same independent single mom, the procedure involved in abortion and the importance of a woman having the right to choose. I was told always to hit someone back if they hit me first, and told to open my mouth and stand up for myself whenever I could, needed to, or simply wanted to. My mom never finished college, but she has worked every day not only to keep me sheltered and clothed, but to help give me the strength I needed inside to continue with my education, my writing, about which I am very passionate, and spend my life doing what I love. So that independent single mom, who is so much more than what that title implies, was and continues to be my rock in leading me to where I am today, and supporting me in all my endeavors, feminist and otherwise.

Herein finding my feminism I found the passion and inspiration to speak out about issues about which it is impossible for me to be silent. I read the essays and works of other young feminists, like me, and felt more inspired and connected by the ideas I had inside than ever before. It was useful to me to study the history of feminism as well, not only to gain a more personal grasp of the successes and sacrifices of my foremothers, but also to learn from history and use my understanding of Third Wave feminism to address specific issues currently faced by women and society in general.

President Bush has consistently placed himself and his presidency at odds with the reproductive rights of women. This is a significant setback for feminists. In 2001 Bush initiated a reinstatement of the global ‘gag’ rule. The rule basically prevents foreign countries from speaking about or performing abortions if they want to qualify for U.S. funding. It is estimated that as a result of the gag rule, 80,000 women die each year from unsafe abortions, and countless others suffer severe medical side effects with permanent health implications. [35] In October 2002, Bush made fetuses, not pregnant mothers, eligible for health care coverage under the State Children’s Health Care Insurance Program, which coincidentally was under-funded in execution as Congress poured more money into the "War on Terror" turned the "War on Iraq" turned the "War for Freedom". [36] Consequently, the Bush campaign to "leave no child behind," has ironically done just that. Then again in November 2002, the Bush administration sought to place a right wing conservative at the head of the FDA’s Reproductive Health Drugs Advisory Committee, in an attempt to withdraw Mifepristone, commonly called RU-486 or the ‘abortion pill’ from the market. [37] These are just a few of the attacks by the Bush administration on reproductive rights.

A woman’s body is her own possession; therefore, her right to choose to abort an unwanted pregnancy should be upheld. A better cause for the presidency to work toward might be making contraception and birth control more widely available, not just nationally but globally as well. As Rebecca Walker states, “[Young women] are growing, thinking, inquisitive, self-possessed beings who need information about sex and access to birth control and abortion.” [38] Or perhaps the right to choose should be revoked and instead women should just have unwanted babies that will not get the proper nourishment or care, as the cost of these things is much higher than many women can afford. It is in this sense that abortion is about much more than “unwanted” pregnancy. And because women and children account for the majority of people living below the poverty line in this nation, and the majority of the people in need of federal assistance programs, a reversal of legalized abortion in this nation would be catastrophic. Or perhaps the Bush administration could revoke legal abortion and then turn its back as thousands of women die from the “back alley” abortions that were once very prevalent in this country, and remain prevalent in many nations of the world.

It is because of these threats to the health and safety of women that reproductive rights are not only important to feminists, and they aren’t only important to women; therefore, it is the responsibility of every person to join in a fight to keep these rights secure. It is important for people everywhere, not only feminists and women, to stand up for the rights women deserve all over the world. I believe in feminism as a body of thought capable of problematizing the most daunting and controversial issues faced by society today. Therefore feminist ideology lends itself to not only women, but to every person as an empowering knowledge and sense of inspiration in society’s continued pursuit of justice and equality. Feminism is an intersectional movement that has and will continue to succeed in assisting the leaders and makers, the dreamers and thinkers, in a unified constant fight against racism, classism, and sexism, and the horrifyingly damaging ideologies that fuel these three opressions.

Perhaps the Third Wave movement’s feminists won’t march in parades for this issue, burn their bras, and picket the White House to vocalize their convictions. Incidentally, in the time it takes to organize all of that, maybe one thousand women will write an email to their congressperson asking for his or her support for reproductive rights. And while women will not hold a rally in a park calling for the overturn of capitalism, where maybe 50 people would walk by and hear the shouts, maybe 50,000 women will visit the NOW website to learn more about the current threats to reproductive rights, and through their education, be inspired to act. Feminists from across the nation participated in the March for Women’s Lives in Washington, D.C. as more than one million supporters marched for women’s reproductive rights. The event proved that Third Wave ideals have not abandoned all of Second Wave’s methods. So while critics such as Epstein are sure that the Third Wave of feminism has no voice, I am certain that feminism’s voices were heard loudly and clearly on April 25, 2004. The energy and emotion of feminism radiates from such an event, as any person can look to the march and feel inspired by the feminist voice inside. That voice may not always manifest itself it in the most public way, but it is never silenced.The voice of feminism, its intersectional capabilities, is constantly reaching up to new issues and reaching out to new people, in an ever-evolving method to bring true justice and equality to society.

 

Notes

1. Barbara Epstein, “What Happened to the Women’s Movement?” Journal of Women’s History 14.2 (2002): 3. (Return)

2. Lois W. Banner, Women in Modern America: a brief history (United States: Thomson Learning Inc, 1995), 120-121.(Return)

3. The First Convention; The Woman’s Rights Convention (1848): 2.(Return)

4. The First Convention; The Woman’s Rights Convention (1848): 7-8.(Return)

5. Banner, 119. (Return)

6. Banner, 118. (Return)

7. 1919. Race Women Ask Aid of Republican Sister. Cleveland Advocate, 7 June. (Return)

8. Banner,120. (Return)

9. Banner, 171. (Return)

10. Banner, 205. (Return)

11. Anne Enke, “Smuggling Sex Through the Gates: Race, Sexuality, and the Politics of Space in Second Wave Feminism,” American Quarterly 55.4 (2003): 635. (Return)

12. Barbara Epstein, “The Successes and Failures of Feminism,” Journal of Women’s History 14.2 (2002): 120. (Return)

13. Epstein, “What Happened to the Women’s Movement?” 4. (Return)

14. Epstein, “What Happened to the Women’s Movement?” 4. (Return)

15. Enke, 635. (Return)

16. Enke, 636. (Return)

17. Enke, 638. (Return)

18. Enke, 638. (Return)

19. Enke, 639. (Return)

20. Enke, 647. (Return)

21. Enke, 646. (Return)

22. Amanda D. Lotz, “Communicating Third-Wave Feminism and New Social Movements: Challenges for the Next Generation,” Woman and Language 26 (2002): 6. (Return)

23. Lotz, 8. (Return)

24. Curtis Sittinfeld, “Your Life As a Girl,” Listen Up; Voices From the Next Feminist Generation, ed. Barbara Findlen, ( New York: Seal Press, 2001), 7. (Return)

25. Lotz, 7. (Return)

26. Lotz, 8. (Return)

27. Lotz, 8. (Return)

28. Lotz, 9. (Return)

29. Lotz, 10. (Return)

30. Epstein, “What Happened to the Women’s Movement?” 2. (Return)

31. Inga Muscio, “Abortion, Vacuum Cleaners and the Power Within,” Listen Up; Voices From the Next Feminist Generation, ed. Barbara Findlen, ( New York: Seal Press, 2001), 117. (Return)

32. Barbara Epstein, “Feminist Consciousness After the Women’s Movement,” Monthly Review 54 (2002): 36. (Return)

33. Anastasia Higginbotham, “Chicks Goin’ At It,” Listen Up; Voices From the Next Feminist Generation, ed. Barbara Findlen, ( New York: Seal Press, 2001), 13. (Return)

34. Christine Doza, “Bloodlove,” Listen Up; Voices From the Next Feminist Generation, ed. Barbara Findlen, ( New York: Seal Press, 2001), 42.(Return)

35. “The Bush Administration’s Rights Recorded.” The National Organization for Women, 2002, < www.now.org/issues/abortion/roe30/record.html> ( 10 March 2004). (Return)

36. NOW, www.now.org/issues/abortion/roe30/record.html. (Return)

37. NOW, www.now.org/issues/abortion/roe30/record.html. (Return)

38. Rebecca Walker, “Lusting for Freedom,” Listen Up; Voices From the Next Feminist Generation, ed. Barbara Findlen, ( New York: Seal Press, 2001), 24. (Return)

 

Bibliography

(The proper format is a hanging indent, but is not demonstrated here because it is difficult to accomplish online.)

Banner, Lois W. Women in Modern America: a brief history. United States: Thomson Learning Inc, 1995.

“The Bush Administration’s Rights Recorded.” The National Organization for Women, 2002, <www.now.org/issues/abortion/roe30/record.html> (accessed March 10, 2004).

Doza, Christine. “Bloodlove.” In Listen Up; Voices From the Next Feminist Generation, edited by Barbara Findlen. New York: Seal Press, 2001: 40-47.

Enke, Anne. “Smuggling Sex Through the Gates: Race, Sexuality, and the Politics of Space in Second Wave Feminism.” American Quarterly 55.4 (2003): 635-667.

Epstein, Barbara. “Feminist Consciousness After the Women’s Movement.” Monthly Review 54 (2002): 31.

---. “The Successes and Failures of Feminism.” Journal of Women’s History 14.2 (2002): 118-125.

---. “What Happened to the Women’s Movement?” Journal of Women’s History 14.2 (2002): 1.

Higginbotham, Anastasia. “Chicks Goin’ At It.” In Listen Up; Voices From the Next Feminist Generation, edited by Barbara Findlen. New York: Seal Press, 2001: 11-18.

Lotz, Amanda D. “Communicating Third-Wave Feminism and New Social Movements: Challenges for the Next Generation.” Woman and Language 26 (2002): 2.

Muscio, Inga. “Abortion, Vacuum Cleaners and the Power Within.” In Listen Up; Voices From the Next Feminist Generation, edited by Barbara Findlen. New York: Seal Press, 2001: 112-117.

Race Women Ask Aid of Republican Sister. Cleveland Advocate, 7 June. 1919.

Sittinfeld, Curtis. “Your Life As a Girl.” In Listen Up; Voices From the Next Feminist Generation, edited by Barbara Findlen. New York: Seal Press, 2001: 3-10.

Walker, Rebecca. “Lusting for Freedom.” In Listen Up; Voices From the Next Feminist Generation, edited by Barbara Findlen. New York: Seal Press, 2001: 19-24.

Woman’s Rights Convention. 1848. Declaration of Sentiments.

Woman’s Rights Convention. 1848. First and Closing Paragraphs of Mrs. Stanton’s Address.

__________

* Stacie Kryger was enrolled in Prof. Vivien Ng's "Classism, Racism, Sexism" course in Spring 2004. (Return)

 

Return to Archives