Paul’s method
of bringing revolutionary tactics back to the Suffrage Movement
was effective, and the 19th Amendment was ratified in 1920.
However, while the Amendment did enfranchise women, it did not
include all women. Poll taxes and literacy tests kept Black
women from voting. Perhaps the Suffrage Movement would have
succeeded for all women had Black women’s groups been included
in the movement. An article that appeared in the Cleveland
Advocate, June 7, 1919, had the following headline, “Race
Women Ask Aid of Republican Sister.” The article featured a
telegram sent to Medill McCormick, national chairwoman of the
Woman’s Committee of the Republican Party, part of which read
as follows, “We respectfully ask that the white women of the
Republican party take bold stand for the rights of Colored women.
. . We ask that you go on record as favoring better state civil
rights bills forbidding discrimination. . . [and] that you welcome
Colored women into your organization on complete equality. .
.” [7] This telegram attests to the lack of feminist and other
women’s rights groups, primarily those of White membership,
which allied with Black women’s rights groups. Additionally,
due to a move toward conservatism in the 1920’s marked by the
prohibition amendment of 1919, the feminist movement splintered,
and feminism entered an age of silence that lasted nearly three
decades. [8]
The Depression
of the 1930’s became a new cause for feminists; however, women
were not working toward progressivism or access to “male-only”
jobs. The Great Depression saw the onset of a more uniform version
of feminism that fought for things like the Social Security
Act as “we [feminist leaders] are not feminists primarily; we
are citizens.” [9] Before women could be feminists, they had to eat. As the
Depression subsided and the nation entered WWII, women were
asked to join the labor force and support the war effort. More
than six million women worked outside the home for the first
time, as wartime propaganda called upon icons like Rosie the
Riveter to encourage women to join in support for their men
and country. [10] As the war ended, women were expected to return to their
kitchens, and many did so willingly. However, some refused and
in doing so sparked a backlash against women’s rights. Many
antifeminists criticized women for working, claiming that they
lead to the breakdown of their families and furthermore, the
breakdown of society. Consequently, conservatives and supporters
of the new 1950s "nuclear family" suppressed post-WWII
feminism. Pop-culture television shows such as Leave it
to Beaver, advocated a stay at home mom, working father
and 2.5 children living happily in an upper middle class home
in Familytown, U.S.A. The 1950s also saw a large conservative
backlash against Elvis Presley, his gyrating hips, and so-called
“Black music.” The clean-cut, All-American, image of musical
acts such as Pat Boon was threatened by the “sexually explicit”
and “inappropriate” nature of “Black music” and its increasing
influence and integration into “White culture.” However, much
as the youth’s desire for “cool” new music would not be silenced,
women would not obey passively society’s calls for their return
to the kitchen. As women acquired the taste for work, it sparked
the same revolutionary feminist ideals that subsided under conservatism
in the 1920s. Herein, the Second Wave of feminism grew.
In the 1960’s
women were back on the scene with a new feminist outlook, as
the rebellious children of the 50's grew into the radical bra
burners of the Second Wave. The fault of the First Wave focusing
too much on one issue was a lesson to the Second Wave feminists
who led a movement that broadened in many respects and focused
on the larger issue of combating “women’s oppression in a society
based on binary gender divisions and race and class hierarchies.”
[11] When considering the Second Wave there are two concepts
that are primary to the understanding of the movement, women
as radicals and women as a unified force.
The 1960’s
and 70’s gave rise to “grassroots women’s liberation groups”
that inspired women to fight for issues such as reproductive
rights, affirmative action, and equality in the workplace, through
passage of the Equal Rights Amendment. Second Wave feminists
largely belonged to one of two sects, either liberal feminism
or radical feminism (sometimes called socialist feminism). Liberal
feminists’ goals were those of bringing equality to the workplace
through higher wages for women. Radical feminists on the other
hand agreed that women were being subordinated publicly, in
the workplace, but also privately, in the home. This belief
meant that radical feminists addressed both simultaneously,
arguing that the oppression of women would not be changed until
it was addressed throughout all of society. [12] Due to the broad goals of radical feminism it included
groups that had been excluded from a unified women’s movement.
Second Wave shifted from its origins in the academy as feminism
predominantly for White women of the professional class, to
include lesbian, women of color and working class women feminists.
[13] Where the First Wave failed, the Second Wave succeeded
by increasing feminist sensitivities to racial and sexual orientation
differences. [14] There was an increased call for women to establish themselves
as equals in society and many feminists felt that to do so in
a male-dominated world, they had to claim a space of their own.
Women needed
a place to organize, congregate and be themselves; a place that
was not dominated by men; in fact, a place where there were
not any men at all. Across the nation, women founded coffeehouses,
schools, health clinics, bars, and emergency shelters open to
only women. [15] The coffeehouse seemed to be the most appropriate structure
in which to organize. In Minneapolis, Minnesota one of the most
successful of these coffeehouses held dances, workshops, concerts,
and plays were held for women. The coffeehouse idea gave rise
to separatism as a means for achieving feminist goals. Separatism
was based on the ideology that “only in gaining complete autonomy
from men, and in simultaneously denying men the ability to treat
women as objects, servants, and second-class citizens, would
patriarchy be overcome.” [16] However it is herein that feminists fueled the very
stereotypes that exist today. These “radical separatists” were
called lesbians (as though it were a negative term) and “man-haters,”
a stigma which still exists against feminists.
In these “women-only
spaces” women met and discussed issues like draft resistance,
labor rights, and feminism itself. [17] The coffeehouse was also a nice place to go, offering
“legitimacy, comfort and freedom from the harassment of public
spaces. . . [featuring] education, activism, and dialogue.”
[18] The environment created in the coffeehouse was a hub
of feminist activism, including, “lesbian comedy, women’s music,
fundraisers . . . [and] workshops on everything from health
to auto mechanics, from global politics to socialism.”
[19] These women-only spaces became places for lesbians to
reclaim female homosexuality as something positive and not perverted.
The coffeehouses and other women-only establishments battled
homophobia, and reified the perception of female sexuality in
general. However the shift from coffeehouse as center for feminist
activism to coffeehouse as center for lesbian activism, alienated
women of color feminists, and working-class feminists (despite
their continued presence) from the closely-knit sphere.
[20] The coffeehouse as center for lesbian feminism bolstered
the stereotypes of feminists as masculine, wearing jeans, work
boots, flannel shirts, and definitely not skirts and high heels,
which signified male oppression of women.
[21] This shift of the Second Wave toward the generalization
of women spelled disaster for the movement.
As Second Wave
moved into the 80's, the exceedingly unified, ultra concerted,
super-collected, kindred face of the Second Wave is the very
thing that led to its demise. Radical feminism moved toward
the direction of creating a feminist culture, appealing to the
“essential sameness among women.” [22] The primary critique of the Second Wave is that it generalized
women too much, and sent the message that all women were the
same, therefore quieting the Black and working class sects of
feminism. As quoted by Lotz, Short states that in light of the
Second Wave, women of color feminists were “wary of reproducing
the same structures of invisibility enforced by a homogenization
of ‘sisterhood’ within the women’s liberation movement that
ignored the divisions forged between women of color from varying
backgrounds and heritages.” [23] In essence, the mistake of Second Wave feminism was
that it repressed the diversity within the movement instead
of celebrating it and using it to further achieve the goals
of the Second Wave. The popular song, “Sisters are doin’ it
for themselves” performed by Aretha Franklin and the Eurythmics
is an example of how pop-culture exemplified the attitude of
woman as a homogenous group, a stigma that was prevalent throughout
the movement. The song’s lyrics demonstrated this attitude with
“mothers, daughters and their daughters too, woman to woman
we’re singin’ with you.” Not all women are sisters, however
this generalization may have also contributed to the stereotypes
of all feminist women as the terms “man-haters,” “bitches,”
“Fascists,” and many other perjoratives that clearly do not
describe every woman, and more correctly, describe only a small
percentage of feminist women. Every feminist that has come out
of the closet patriarchy has put her into, runs the risk of
re-identifying herself as something negative as soon as she
identifies herself as “feminist.” Society has words for feminists,
“the boys have words for you: cunt, ho, bitch. They say feminist
like it is a nasty insult.” [24]
The truth is
that Third Wave feminism is as complex as Second Wave, with
its various sects. “Reactionary feminism” is one sub-group under
the Third Wave movement, however this wave of thought seems
to be more of a criticism of Second Wave than anything else.
This pattern of criticism so prevalent in the work of Third
Wave feminists has led them to be called “anti- feminists” because
they offer nothing constructive to lead to new developments
for feminism. [25]
Another sub-group
is women of color feminists. Third Wave feminism rose first
among women of color but then continued to permeate to other
groups of feminists. One realization by the Third Wave was that
the Second Wave “feminist theory was not sufficiently complex
to understand or explain how oppression can be experienced differently
within the broad category described as ‘women.’”
[26] This sect is largely concerned with using theories of
intersectionality to better understand and fight against oppression
(from all angles) based on one’s identity. [27]
Post-feminism
is a term that has come to describe a type of Third Wave feminist
theory. While there is some discrepancy over the actual definition
of the term, post-feminism is similar to woman of color feminism
in that it seeks to “combat oppression caused by identity determinants
that intersect with gender.” [28] Another dimension of post-feminism is its response to
more contemporary issues than the Second Wave, such as post-structuralism,
post-modernism and post-colonialism.
[29] More importantly, unlike Second Wave feminism, Third
Wave feminism integrates into its core feminist theory and practice,
a strategy of intersectionality by recognizing differences in
identity such as race, class, and sexual orientation.
A critique
of Third Wave feminism says that no movement will ever be able
to match the widespread involvement at a grassroots level that
took place during the Second Wave. Epstein’s argument, among
other things, is that in a society that is mainly concerned
with monetary earnings and “the rise to the top”, feminists
are largely focused on individualism. Epstein asserts
“Where there were once women’s organizations with large participatory
memberships there are now bureaucratic structures run by paid
staff.”
[30] I attribute that fact to the consistent growth
in technology and the rise of the corporation since the 1970s.
Perhaps Epstein is referring specifically to the National Organization
for Women, which may not have an official membership list that
matches one of the 70's. I wonder rather how many feminists
subscribe to the electronic list serve that NOW and other organizations
like The Feminist Majority provide. Thanks to the Internet,
the information age is alive and well. It would be ignorant
and counterproductive for organizations to fail to make use
of the technology available in many people’s living rooms. In
the 70's, a woman had to join an organization like NOW in order
to stay in the feminist loop; however, the issues at hand today
are widely publicized and the websites of NOW and other organizations
feature extensive coverage of these issues. Feminism remains
silent, as Epstein says, but the truth is that today there are
much more efficient ways of rallying behind a cause than holding
a march in a town square with signs and a megaphone. While Epstein
may disagree with the Third Wave and its lack of "take
to the streets" philosophy, the truth is that, “The war
for peace and love and other nice things like that is not waged
in protests on the street.” Inga Muscio instead proposes that,
“These forms of fighting acknowledge the oppressor outside of
yourself, giving that entity yet more life. The real fight for
human rights is inside each and every individual on earth.”
[31] According to this argument, it is not only unnecessary
to hold rallies and marches, it is counterproductive to the
overall goal. Epstein does applaud contemporary feminism in
another aspect as she acknowledges that feminist ideals are
being employed elsewhere in the world of social movements. Feminists
are involved in anti-globalization and environmental activist
groups, and “feminism is accepted as one of the ideological
currents that shape these movements.” [32]
I think that
the most fascinating aspect about Third Wave feminism is its
diversity. I have come to find that there really is no definition
of Third Wave ideology, and women like Epstein, stuck in their
Second Wave frame of mind, would see this as a weakness. However,
Third Wave feminism is applicable to each feminist on her own
personal level. Third Wave is more about finding the feminism
that exists within oneself and joining with other strong women
for support of that new found philosophy. Like Anastasia Higginbotham
said, “I was born a girl in a society that devalues women and
girls,” but I would not let that intimidate me, as other feminists
do not, and I proclaimed myself feminist.
[33]
I tried to
put every label I could place on myself before I admitted I
was a feminist. Not that I am ashamed, but rather that patriarchy
has told me that "feminist" is an ugly word, so I
had to find my feminism inside and reclaim it as something positive
instead of suppressing it. I put other names to my feminism,
calling myself a democrat, an independent young woman, a freedom
fighter, a lover of equality, etc. However at the end of the
day and at the beginning of my collegiate career, all of these
dots connect and equal feminist. Now I know that I am a feminist
before I am any of those other things because my passion for
those things comes from my feminism. My experience is similar
to other Third Wave feminists, who will not be silenced. I’m
learning to connect the dots. Christine Doza writes, “One dot
for woman-hate, one for racism, one for classism, one for telling
me who I can fuck. When I connect all the dots, it’s a picture
of me, a picture of privilege and the way it’s disguised behind
pretty white smiles.” [34] Herein, Doza addresses all of the issues with which
Third Wave feminism identifies.
I can identify
with these things as a feminist, as my self-proclamation echoes
my upbringing. It makes sense really; I was born out of wedlock
to a mom who now volunteers for the rape crisis service at our
local Planned Parenthood. I was explained to, at age 10 by that
same independent single mom, the procedure involved in abortion
and the importance of a woman having the right to choose. I
was told always to hit someone back if they hit me first, and
told to open my mouth and stand up for myself whenever I could,
needed to, or simply wanted to. My mom never finished college,
but she has worked every day not only to keep me sheltered and
clothed, but to help give me the strength I needed inside to
continue with my education, my writing, about which I am very
passionate, and spend my life doing what I love. So that independent
single mom, who is so much more than what that title implies,
was and continues to be my rock in leading me to where I am
today, and supporting me in all my endeavors, feminist and otherwise.
Herein finding
my feminism I found the passion and inspiration to speak out
about issues about which it is impossible for me to be silent.
I read the essays and works of other young feminists, like me,
and felt more inspired and connected by the ideas I had inside
than ever before. It was useful to me to study the history of
feminism as well, not only to gain a more personal grasp of
the successes and sacrifices of my foremothers, but also to
learn from history and use my understanding of Third Wave feminism
to address specific issues currently faced by women and society
in general.
President Bush
has consistently placed himself and his presidency at odds with
the reproductive rights of women. This is a significant setback
for feminists. In 2001 Bush initiated a reinstatement of the
global ‘gag’ rule. The rule basically prevents foreign countries
from speaking about or performing abortions if they want to
qualify for U.S. funding. It is estimated that as a result of
the gag rule, 80,000 women die each year from unsafe abortions,
and countless others suffer severe medical side effects with
permanent health implications. [35] In October 2002, Bush made fetuses, not pregnant mothers,
eligible for health care coverage under the State Children’s
Health Care Insurance Program, which coincidentally was under-funded
in execution as Congress poured more money into the "War
on Terror" turned the "War on Iraq" turned the
"War for Freedom". [36] Consequently, the Bush campaign to "leave no child
behind," has ironically done just that. Then again in November
2002, the Bush administration sought to place a right wing conservative
at the head of the FDA’s Reproductive Health Drugs Advisory
Committee, in an attempt to withdraw Mifepristone, commonly
called RU-486 or the ‘abortion pill’ from the market. [37] These are just a few of the attacks by the Bush administration
on reproductive rights.
A woman’s body
is her own possession; therefore, her right to choose to abort
an unwanted pregnancy should be upheld. A better cause for the
presidency to work toward might be making contraception and
birth control more widely available, not just nationally but
globally as well. As Rebecca Walker states, “[Young women] are
growing, thinking, inquisitive, self-possessed beings who need
information about sex and access to birth control and abortion.”
[38] Or perhaps the right to choose should be revoked and
instead women should just have unwanted babies that will not
get the proper nourishment or care, as the cost of these things
is much higher than many women can afford. It is in this sense
that abortion is about much more than “unwanted” pregnancy.
And because women and children account for the majority of people
living below the poverty line in this nation, and the majority
of the people in need of federal assistance programs, a reversal
of legalized abortion in this nation would be catastrophic.
Or perhaps the Bush administration could revoke legal abortion
and then turn its back as thousands of women die from the “back
alley” abortions that were once very prevalent in this country,
and remain prevalent in many nations of the world.
It is because
of these threats to the health and safety of women that reproductive
rights are not only important to feminists, and they aren’t
only important to women; therefore, it is the responsibility
of every person to join in a fight to keep these rights secure.
It is important for people everywhere, not only feminists and
women, to stand up for the rights women deserve all over the
world. I believe in feminism as a body of thought capable of
problematizing the most daunting and controversial issues faced
by society today. Therefore feminist ideology lends itself to
not only women, but to every person as an empowering knowledge
and sense of inspiration in society’s continued pursuit of justice
and equality. Feminism is an intersectional movement that has
and will continue to succeed in assisting the leaders and makers,
the dreamers and thinkers, in a unified constant fight against
racism, classism, and sexism, and the horrifyingly damaging
ideologies that fuel these three opressions.
Perhaps the
Third Wave movement’s feminists won’t march in parades for this
issue, burn their bras, and picket the White House to vocalize
their convictions. Incidentally, in the time it takes to organize
all of that, maybe one thousand women will write an email to
their congressperson asking for his or her support for reproductive
rights. And while women will not hold a rally in a park calling
for the overturn of capitalism, where maybe 50 people would
walk by and hear the shouts, maybe 50,000 women will visit the
NOW website to learn more about the current threats to reproductive
rights, and through their education, be inspired to act. Feminists
from across the nation participated in the March for Women’s
Lives in Washington, D.C. as more than one million supporters
marched for women’s reproductive rights. The event proved that
Third Wave ideals have not abandoned all of Second Wave’s methods.
So while critics such as Epstein are sure that the Third Wave
of feminism has no voice, I am certain that feminism’s voices
were heard loudly and clearly on April 25, 2004. The energy
and emotion of feminism radiates from such an event, as any
person can look to the march and feel inspired by the feminist
voice inside. That voice may not always manifest itself it in
the most public way, but it is never silenced.The voice of feminism,
its intersectional capabilities, is constantly reaching up to
new issues and reaching out to new people, in an ever-evolving
method to bring true justice and equality to society.
Notes
1. Barbara Epstein, “What Happened to the Women’s Movement?”
Journal of Women’s History 14.2 (2002): 3. (Return)
2. Lois W. Banner, Women in Modern America: a brief history
(United States: Thomson Learning Inc, 1995), 120-121.(Return)
3. The First Convention; The Woman’s Rights Convention
(1848): 2.(Return)
4. The First Convention; The Woman’s Rights Convention
(1848): 7-8.(Return)
5. Banner, 119. (Return)
6. Banner, 118. (Return)
7. 1919. Race Women Ask Aid of Republican Sister. Cleveland
Advocate, 7 June. (Return)
8. Banner,120. (Return)
9. Banner, 171. (Return)
10. Banner, 205. (Return)
11. Anne Enke, “Smuggling Sex Through the Gates: Race, Sexuality,
and the Politics of Space in Second Wave Feminism,” American
Quarterly 55.4 (2003): 635. (Return)
12. Barbara Epstein, “The Successes and Failures of Feminism,”
Journal of Women’s History 14.2 (2002): 120. (Return)
13. Epstein, “What Happened to the Women’s Movement?” 4.
(Return)
14. Epstein, “What Happened to the Women’s Movement?” 4.
(Return)
15. Enke, 635. (Return)
16. Enke, 636. (Return)
17. Enke, 638. (Return)
18. Enke, 638. (Return)
19. Enke, 639. (Return)
20. Enke, 647. (Return)
21. Enke, 646. (Return)
22. Amanda D. Lotz, “Communicating Third-Wave Feminism and
New Social Movements: Challenges for the Next Generation,” Woman
and Language 26 (2002): 6. (Return)
23. Lotz, 8. (Return)
24. Curtis Sittinfeld, “Your Life As a Girl,” Listen
Up; Voices From the Next Feminist Generation, ed. Barbara
Findlen, ( New York: Seal Press, 2001), 7. (Return)
25. Lotz, 7. (Return)
26. Lotz, 8. (Return)
27. Lotz, 8. (Return)
28. Lotz, 9. (Return)
29. Lotz, 10. (Return)
30. Epstein, “What Happened to the Women’s Movement?” 2.
(Return)
31. Inga Muscio, “Abortion, Vacuum Cleaners and the Power
Within,” Listen Up; Voices From the Next Feminist Generation,
ed. Barbara Findlen, ( New York: Seal Press, 2001), 117. (Return)
32. Barbara Epstein, “Feminist Consciousness After the Women’s
Movement,” Monthly Review 54 (2002): 36. (Return)
33. Anastasia Higginbotham, “Chicks Goin’ At It,” Listen
Up; Voices From the Next Feminist Generation, ed. Barbara
Findlen, ( New York: Seal Press, 2001), 13. (Return)
34. Christine Doza, “Bloodlove,” Listen Up; Voices From
the Next Feminist Generation, ed. Barbara Findlen, ( New
York: Seal Press, 2001), 42.(Return)
35. “The Bush Administration’s Rights Recorded.” The
National Organization for Women, 2002, < www.now.org/issues/abortion/roe30/record.html>
( 10 March 2004). (Return)
36. NOW, www.now.org/issues/abortion/roe30/record.html.
(Return)
37. NOW, www.now.org/issues/abortion/roe30/record.html.
(Return)
38. Rebecca Walker, “Lusting for Freedom,” Listen Up;
Voices From the Next Feminist Generation, ed. Barbara Findlen,
( New York: Seal Press, 2001), 24. (Return)
Bibliography
(The
proper format is a hanging indent, but is not demonstrated here
because it is difficult to accomplish online.)
Banner, Lois
W. Women in Modern America: a brief history. United
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“The Bush Administration’s
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Enke, Anne.
“Smuggling Sex Through the Gates: Race, Sexuality, and the Politics
of Space in Second Wave Feminism.” American Quarterly
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Epstein, Barbara.
“Feminist Consciousness After the Women’s Movement.” Monthly
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---. “The Successes
and Failures of Feminism.” Journal of Women’s History 14.2
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---. “What
Happened to the Women’s Movement?” Journal of Women’s History
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the Next Feminist Generation, edited by Barbara Findlen.
New York: Seal Press, 2001: 11-18.
Lotz, Amanda
D. “Communicating Third-Wave Feminism and New Social Movements:
Challenges for the Next Generation.” Woman and Language
26 (2002): 2.
Muscio, Inga.
“Abortion, Vacuum Cleaners and the Power Within.” In Listen
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Barbara Findlen. New York: Seal Press, 2001: 112-117.
Race Women
Ask Aid of Republican Sister. Cleveland Advocate, 7
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Curtis. “Your Life As a Girl.” In Listen Up; Voices From
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Woman’s Rights
Convention. 1848. Declaration of Sentiments.
Woman’s Rights Convention. 1848. First
and Closing Paragraphs of Mrs. Stanton’s Address.
__________
*
Stacie Kryger was enrolled in Prof. Vivien Ng's "Classism,
Racism, Sexism" course in Spring 2004. (Return)