Notes on the Divinization of Roman Emperors
The Case of Ephesos
When Caesar and Pompey embarked on civil war in 49 BCE, Ephesos and most of Asia Minor remained at peace. After defeat of Pompey at Pharsalus, Caesar came to Ephesos in late summer of 48 BCE and received the ambassadors of the Ionians, Aeolians, and other peoples of lower Asia. During his few weeks in the city Caesar remitted one-third of the tax Asia had previously paid, abolished the old method of collecting direct taxes in the province through contracts let out to corporations of publicani, and replaced it with a system by which amounts raised by communities were paid to a quaestor or financial official of the province. Cities, peoples, and tribes of Asia subsequently honored Caesar with a statue at Ephesos, which praised him as "the descendant of Ares and Aphrodite, a god made manifest and the common savior of human life." It was probably at this time that Pamphylia, along with a portion of the mountain region of Milyas and Pisidia, was added to the province of Asia. After defeat of Brutus and Cassius, assassins of Caesar, at Philippi, Antony in turn came to Ephesos in 41, greeted by women dressed as Bacchants, and men and boys as Satyrs and Pans. At Ephesos, Antony assembled Greeks and other tribes around Pergamon, and settled upon nine years' taxes payable in two years as punishment for their support of Brutus and Cassius. Exceeding demands even of his greedy predecessors, Antony demanded payments not only from fee and subject cities, but also from client kings and minor rulers as well. As partial compensation for the cooperation of the priests of the Artemision, Antony doubled the area of asylum surrounding the temple which therefore included a section of the city itself. This was an invitation to civil discord which the Roman emperors would find necessary to rectify. During final stages of struggle between Antony and Octavian, Antony and Cleopatra spent the winter of 33/32 in the city, joined there by 300 Roman senators and a huge fleet of over 500 warships. After defeat of Antony at Actium in 31 BCE, according to Cassius Dio, Octavian punished the cities of Asia which had aided Antony by levying payments of money and suspending their governmental assemblies. Inscriptional record indicates, however, that many cities also had benefits conferred upon them in aftermath of Actium and Ephesos itself apparently remained at least nominally free. Two years later in 27, when Octavian "restored" the Res Publica to the Roman people, province of Asia reverted to being one of provinciae populi Romani, governed by proconsuls appointed by lot. Responsibility for the mainteance of the cult of the emperor fell upon the koinon of the Hellenes, which had already conferred honors upon Scaevola and had served as an intermediary between the cities of Asia and the Roman government. Form the foundation of the imperial cult, the koinon held annual meetings for the worship of the new deities and for the transaction of business by deputies. Member cities chose representatives up to three, according to city size. The koinon also celebrated a festivl with a sacred contest each year in honor of the deities called the Romaia Sebasta. The principal official of the cult was known as the chief priest of Asia, and was chosen annually at the meeting of the assembly for a one year term. The primary function of this office was to conduct the worship of the divinities, although the chief priest also brought proposals before the assembly, arranged for the execution of its enactments, and might also serve as an agonotheete or supervisor of the koinon's festivals. Activities of koinon, however, were not confined to management of imperial cult. In 9 BCE the koinon enacted a decree by which member cities adopted a new calendar proposed by the proconsul, although Ephesos chose to retain its old Ionian calendar well into second scentury. Later, the koinon sent embassies to Rome to watch over interests of Asia in capital and in 22 CE koinon pesented charges against Roman officials who had abused theiir power in the province. Thus koinon gradually assumed a position of dealing with the Roman government in a corporate capacity on behalf of the province. The assumption of responsibility in turn led to the creation of a new provincial nobility. Furthermore, the sons of the chief priests were admitted to equestrian order, and their sons sometimes became members of Senate. An Augusteum was probably already in place within the temenos or sacred precinct of the Artemision by 6/5 BCE, and Ephesos gradually supplanted Pergamon as focus of religious, economic, and political activity in the province. Augustus, in fact, seems to have devoted special care to the cult of Artemis, first by nullifying Antony's extension of the area of asylum of the temple, and then by at least allowing the transfer of the college of priests known as the Kuretes, whose responsibility it was to celebrate the mysteries of Artemis, from the Artemision to the new prytaneion in the upper city. During reign of Claudius, the apostle Paul spent two full years in city of Ephesos, and caused famous riot of the silversmiths led by Demetrios. (Acts 19. 23-41) Incident generally interpreted in light of economic threat to silversmiths -- better understood against debate over Jewish civic status within Greek provincial cities. Paul's message that gods made by human hands were not gods at all, presented an immediate threat to the peace and security of the Jewish community at Ephesos, which had lived for centuries on the razor's edge of pagan tolerance. Also during the riot, the Jews of the city put forward a cerain Alexandros, to make an apology to the Greeks of Ephesos-- probably an attempt to disassociate the Jewish commuinty of Ephesos from words and deeds of Paul, a Jew from Tarsos.
Foundation
Unlike other foundations involving processions or distributions on birthdays during the imperial period, e.g. foundation of C. Iulius Demosthenes from Oinoanda during reign of Hadrian, while legal term used to describe the proposal throughout the seven documents of the Salutaris foundation was diataxis, text of the foundation and the letter of the legatus, Afranius Flavianus, refer to Salutaris as a dedicator. What he did under terms of his proposal was to dedicate certain type statues and images and money to Artemis and to various civic bodies and individuals. Statues and images called sacred in the text. Next Salutaris consecrated landed property in order to guarantee the revenues which made dedications possible. Practice paralleld in similar foundations at Oinoanda, Nysa and Philadelpia during second and third centuries and seems to have been preferred method of financing foundations generally. Explicit purpose of Salutaris' dedications was to adorn and exalt the sacred and public possessions of Ephesos, and to honor and reverence "the most mighty goddess Artemis and the imperial family." Capital sum donated officially designated as an endowment of the goddess. Sanctions meant to ensure execution of terms of foundation brought it under jurisdiction of temple law. If Salutaris died, his heirs were charged to fulfil terms of the foundation, and were liable to terms of contracts for loans applicable in sacred affairs of the goddess and in business with the gerousia. Any attempt to make changes in administration of dedicated statues was subject to prosecution for temple robbery and sacrilege. Double fine on transgressors: 25,000 denarii for adornment of Artemis and another 25,000 to fiscus of Caesar. (Remember 50,000 denarii or 200,000 sesterces equaled onehalf minimum wealth for an eques or twice the minimum for a town council at Comum) Salutaris' endowment, which consisted of 21,500 silver denarii for lotteries and distributions, and at least 124 pounds, 1/2 ounce and 8 gramamaes of gold and silver for statues and images, would appear to fall into middle range of expenditure among foudnations from Asia Minor during imperial period. Proconsul of Asia, Aquillius Proculus, and his legatus, Afranius Flavianus, confirmed foundation in separate leters. Important is the relentlessly sacred language used to describe every step of legislative process. From proposal to promulgation, the language of process of founding belonged to the semantic context of dedications, sacrilege, and sacred law (sphere of the divine). The foundation becomes a sacred, public act, embodied in law, and displayed on stone. Social and historical and theological discrimination represented attitudes of the demos of Ephesos. Studies of distributions thus far show that donors included prominent men in the city, such as T.Aelius Alkibiades from Nysa during the Antonine period, who organized distributions to be made every year on the birthday of the god Hadrian, but also women, such as Cornelia, from Philadlephia, who set aside land so that the boule could make a distribution on the birthday of her brother. Members of larger civic bodies, such as boule and gerousia, often benefited from distributions at Thyateira or Philadelphia, although entire citizen body seems to have received money for sacrifices to celebrate birthday of the emperor Antoninus Pius at Ephesos in 138 C.E. The money for the sacrifices of 138 probably came from public revenues, but individual donors also spent thousands of denarii as well. Unlike example from quattrocento Florence (confraternities of youth), Salutaris' scheme did not separate the youth associations of Ephesos from public life: rather, lotteries and distributions forced paides and ephebes to act out a civiic hierarchy along with their elders. Acting out hierarchy of the scheme taught the young men, as well as fathers, to look (metaphorically) to institutional structure of their city, to its Ionian foudnation, and to birth of Artemis for their sense of social and historical identity in the complex and changing Roman world. If they played roles properly, would become, not male "saviors" of society, but good and true Ephesians, sons of Androklos and Artemis.Lotteries and Distributions
In decree of demos and boule, total capital endowment was 20,000 denarii. This yielded 1800 denarii yearly for lotteries and distributions at standard 9 percent interest. In addenddum, 15000 denarii was total capital endowment; 9 percent yielded 135 denarii yearly for additional lotteries and distribuions. Most distributions took place on 5, 6 Thargelion (ninth month of Ephesian year), which probably began on 23 September, birthday of Augustus. At beginning of second century CE Ephesians celebrated birthday of Artemis on 6 Thargelion. First group of beneficiaries Salutaris enjoined to care for dedicated statuary. From main endowment, Salutaris gave 30 denarii to individual who cleaned statues of goddess each time they were carried back to temple of Artemis before they were put back into pronaos of temple. Money distributed to neokori perhaps subsized purchase of wine or incense for sacrifices before images of Trajan and Plotina on the birthday of goddess. Since only 3% for care of statues, Salutaris did not organize lotteries and distributions simply to take care of statues. Second group comprise beneficiaries directed to spend allotments on specific ritual tasks during celebration of the mysteries. Through lottery of the registered asiarchs Salutaris provided money for sacrifice by provincial officals of imperial cult during celebration of mysteries. These priests of imperial cult came from elite of province and were among most important individuals in Asia. So 7% for ritual purposes during celebration of mysteries. Third group were beneficiaries who were not ordered to take care of statues or to perform any ritual tasks. 90 % so earmarked. Citizens of tribes received greatest percentage (43%) : functionaries of imperial cult, functionaries of Artemision, members of youth associations, and adult members of civic institutions. Salutaris further associated foundation with imperial cult through the lottery of the nine theologi, organized by the archiereus in the temple of Artemis on her birthday. Theologoi at Ephesos composed a sunhedrion, and could include Roman citizens. Inscriptions from outside Ephesos indicate theologoi should be associated with herophants and declaimers of sacred litanies at celebrations of mysteries. Although theologi originally were servants of gods or goddesses particular to Asia Minor, later were attached to imperial cult at Smyrna, Pergamon, and Ephesos. May be guessed that nine thoelogoi prayed at festival, though there is no evidence. While capital endowment of theologi was only fifth largest, at 275 denarii, individual shares, 2 3/4 was third laragest, and so theologi important in Salutaris' scheme. The fourteen thesmodoi received 7 denarii in temple of Artemis on birthday of the goddess. At Ephesos, thesmodoi comprised a sunhedrion of special singers for emperor, attached to provincial temple of emperors. Provision of 18 denarii fro priestess of Artemis on her birthday brought endowment back into center of temple hierarachy. Is no sign of ancient eunuch priest of Artemis, the megabyzos. Rather, priestess of Artemis appears as chief official of cult of 104CE. She was in charge of liturgy of official cult, and several different priestesses claimed to have celebrated mystries during first and second centries CE. Priestesses also appear frequently at beginning of Kuretes' lists, and one from third century claimed to have renewed all mysteries of the goddess and reestablished them on old customary basis. These priestesses came from prominent local families of wealth, and were represented in inscritpions throughout city as daughters and wives of asiarchs, neopoi, and Roman citizens, often for generations. Lottery of the six tribes of Ephesos clearly expanded numerical scope of Salutaris' foundation; must also have evoked Hellensitic past, and indeed the Ionian foundation of the city, since five of the tribes, those of the Ephesians, Karenaeas, Teians, Euonumo, and Bembinaeans, originated during period of foundation of the city by Androklos, according to Ephoros. Provision that it is endowment of goddess. This should mean endowment was possession of Artemis, or the Artemision in her place.Processions
Processions meandered through narrow streets of Roman world almost daily. In these processions, celebrants often carried statues or ritual objects of honored deity along a prescribed route in city, stopping at certain points for specific acts of ritual, heading toward god's temple or sacred precinct. The foundation of C. Vibiius Saltuaris was a sacred public act embodied in law and displayed on stone. This public act created two civic rituals which whole demos ratified and Roman governors confirmed. Through repeated performance of these civic rituals, Ephesians established and mantained the sacred identify of their city. Birth of goddess Artemis at Ephesos defined that sacred identity and empowered those adult male Greeks who celebrted it. First civic ritual involved individuals and civic bodies in a scheme of lotteries and distributions of cash doled out inside temple of Artemis each year during mysteries. One typical ritual included ephebes in a praocession of 31 gold and sivler type statues and images along a circular route from temple of Artemis at least once every two weeks during the year. Behind performance of two rituals lay conceptual blueprints of a contemporary social hierarchy and a version of the history of Ephesos. Salutaris and city fathers intended the paides and ephebes of the city to learn abut the social hierarachy and history of Ephesos through physical participation in civic rituals, but, except for slaves and foreigners, virtually whole adult male population either took part in or watched these public rituals. Social hierarchy implied in scheme stressed importance of membership in the tribes, the boule, and the gerousia of Ephesos. Oldest of these predominatly adult male institutions, five original tribes of Ephesos, traced origins back to time of Ionian foundation. Boule and gerousia dated to classical period. When young men joined in scheme of lotteries and distributions, they learned that the institutional roles they would play, which began when they officially entered into tribes, and even the order in which they would play those roles, were fixed at time of Ionian foundation of city. Ephebes could not have failed to recognize that adult males of local Greek birth filled most of those institonal roles in 104 CE. Social hierarchy of city grounded in same ancient, but still human event which loss presupposed the reconstruction of the past woven into the procession of statues. A thousand years after that boar led Ionian colonists to the thickets of Koressos, Salutaris' procession still drew upon Ionian foundation story for narrative theme of successive foundations. Our own tradition has made us not only intolerant but also uncomprehending of other systems of belief. By dismissing a spiritual leader schu as the late Ayatollah Khomeini as a sinister old hand chopper, we deprive ourselves of a strategy for explaining why a quarter of a million mourners should risk being crushed to death for a glimpse of the Imam's refrigerated remains. Our inability to take the Olympian gods seriously puts us at a comparable disadvantage in undertaking a study of Greek mythology and religion, since we tend to assume a priori that the Olympians are and never were "real" gods. Bear in mind that gravitation does not exist either, even if we seem to feel its effects, for Einstein's theory of General Relataivity now postulates that what Newton desribed as gravitation is actually the consequences of a geometricl configuration which directs lesser bodies toward larger ones. Yet belief in the Olympian gods and the theory of gravitation have in their different ways assisted the human mind in accounting for its experience of the world, and the fact that they have only proved provisional in no way diminishes their usefulness. Goal of Greek religion, like that of post classical physics, was at bottom relatively modest: it signified an attempt to achieve a limited understanding of the constrained randomness of Chaos.