"A SOCIOLOGICAL APPROACH TO BLACK COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT:
PRESENTATION OF THE BLACK ORGANIZATIONAL AUTONOMY MODEL"

Journal of the Community Development Society Vol. 23 No. 1 1992

By Hayward Derrick Horton

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, August 1990 in Washington D.C. The author is indebted to A. Wade Smith, Darnell Hawkins, Norma Burgess and Vern Ryan for their helpful comments. The author accepts full responsibility for the finished version of the paper. Journal Paper No. J-14044 of the Iowa Agriculture and Home Economics Experiment Station, Ames, Iowa, Project No. 278 1.

ABSTRACT

This paper presents a sociological model of black community development: the Black Organizational Autonomy (BOA) model. The BOA model argues essentially that viable black communities are those with organizations that have the following characteristics: 1) economic autonomy; 2) internally developed and controlled data sources; 3) a focus on black history and culture; 4) the development and incorporation of females in leadership roles; and 5) socially inclusive leadership. A case study is presented that supports the model. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of the BOA model for community development practitioners.

INTRODUCTION

The structure and nature of the black American community has been a topic of sociological study for a considerable period of time. DuBois' classic, The Philadelphia Negro (1899), was the first effort to analyze empirically America's largest minority population. Subsequent studies have emphasized the extent and nature of racial inequality and its effect on the black community (Drake & Cayton, 1945; Frazier, 1957; Blackwell, 199 1). Yet, despite the extensive amount of research conducted on blacks, a model of black community development remains to be offered by sociologists and community development scholars. In this study, black community development means the establishment and perpetuation of indigenous social, economic, and cultural institutions to address the needs and concerns of the black population.

Accordingly, the present study has two objectives. After summarizing related research in sociology and community development, the study introduces the Black Organizational Autonomy (BOA) Model. Finally, it articulates the implications of the model for community development practitioners.

The Sociology of the Black Community

Some of the earliest writings on the sociology of the black community have emphasized social pathological and assimilationist approaches. Myrdal (1944) noted that the social, economic, and political problems of the black community were the direct result of racial discrimination. He further argued that the black community's institutions and culture were pathological distortions of the dominant society:

In practically all of its divergences, American Negro culture is not something independent of general American culture. It is a distorted development, or pathological condition, of the general American culture. The instability of the Negro family, the inadequacy of educational facilities for Negroes, the emotionalism in the Negro church, the insufficiency and unwholesomeness of Negro recreational activity, the plethora of Negro sociable organizations, the narrowness of interests of the average Negro, the provincialism of his political speculation, the high Negro crime rate, the cultivation of the arts to the neglect of other fields, superstition, personality difficulties, and other characteristic traits are mainly forms of social pathology which, for the most part, are created by the caste pressures. (pp. 928-929)

According to Myrdal (1944), the black community existed only because blacks had virtually no access to white society. He concludes that assimilation into mainstream society was the best means of addressing the problems of black Americans. Frazier (1957) also argued that many of the institutions of the black community were socioculturally insignificant. In a scathing critique of the black middle class, he wrote that black institutions served the primary function of perpetuating the myth of the existence of a "black society." According to this view, the black middle class was ashamed of its traditional folk culture and disadvantaged brethren. Denied the option of assimilation into the American mainstream, the black middle class focused on mimicking white America via conspicuous consumption and social triviality. Park (1964) emphasized the cyclical nature of race relations with his contact hypothesis. He maintained that assimilation was the inevitable completion of the cycle--the merging of the minority group with the majority.

Critics of the social pathological and assimilationist perspectives reject the aforementioned arguments because of their Eurocentric assumptions (Cruse, 1967; Blackwell, 1991). Instead, they emphasize the importance of black social institutions in improving the overall black social position in the United States. Cruse (1967) argued that the inability of blacks to effectively overcome racial discrimination is due to misguided and inept leadership in the black community. Employing a sociohistorical framework, he noted that intragroup conflict and competition among black leaders, a pro-assimilationist mentality among the elite of the black community, and the subservience of black intellectuals to their white and Jewish counterparts lie at the heart of black community problems. Consequently, the long-term effect of inept leadership has been an emphasis on issues promoting middle class ascension into the white mainstream. Further, Cruse (1987) maintains that the black civil rights leadership is responsible for the failure to develop autonomous economic, social, and cultural institutions which address the issues of relevance to the general black population.

Other studies have emphasized the impact of the social structure on the black community rather than on the "inherent nature" of blacks themselves. For instance, in his analysis of the black community, Blackwell (1991) applied several macrosociological perspectives, the most noteworthy of which is pluralism. According to this view, the black community developed parallel institutions to compensate for the presence of racial oppression in the broader society. Nevertheless, these institutions eventually evolved to become culturally distinct and significant in their own right, transcending many of the traditional functions found in mainstream society. Clearly, the best example of this phenomenon is the black church, which provided social cohesion and leadership during the civil rights movement. Morris (1984) also acknowledged the importance of the church as an instrument of social change. This role, however, may be the exception rather than the rule. There is evidence suggesting that the church has had an anesthetizing effect upon the black community--thus serving the status-maintenance purposes of the dominant society (Marx, 1969).

Wilson (1980) advocated a holistic approach to the analysis of the black community. He postulated that an understanding of the black community in contemporary America involves an appreciation of the dynamics of population, economics, and sociocultural change. Specifically, broad-based changes in the economy have an impact on the black community that is independent of the level of discrimination present at any given time. Thus, when blue collar workers are displaced in the labor force, the black community is disproportionately affected because of the overrepresentation of black workers in that category (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1989).

Because the black middle class has benefited more than other blacks from the Civil Rights Movement in terms of social, occupational, and residential opportunities, the complexity of black community issues becomes clear. According to Wilson (1987), the increase in inequality within the black community has resulted in the emergence of two subpopulations: the middle class and the disadvantaged. In addition, the suburbanization of the middle and working classes removes many of the leaders and role models from the traditional black community. Therefore, increases in violent crime, drug abuse, teenage pregnancy, and female-headed households should not be unexpected (Wilson, 1985).

Unlike his contemporaries, Wilson (1987) transcended the purely analytical approach by discussing policy issues. He advocated addressing the needs of the black poor: those who tend to be dislocated, unskilled, and unemployed. The problem, he suggested, is an emphasis primarily on racial discrimination, whereas many of the problems of poor blacks require political, economic and educational solutions. According to Wilson (1987), however, these solutions do not seem forthcoming. Government employment programs tend to be inflationary (Wilson, 1987). High rates of inflation tend to elicit negative reactions from the general public, causing a politically unsafe environment for career-minded public officials. The history of the black American experience is full of examples of how the treatment of blacks, even by the federal government, has been primarily due to the prevailing political mood of the electorate (Franklin & Moss, 1988). Wilson (1987) maintains, however, that a general program providing benefits to the socially advantaged, as well as to the poor, is more likely to gain widespread support. In a recent study of the Civil Rights Movement, Morris (1984) provided theoretical insights with some bearing on black community development. He introduced an indigenous approach in his analysis of the Civil Rights Movement and found that the social and economic autonomy of the black church in the South and the church's history of developing black organizational leadership were indispensable to the emergence of civil rights organizations. Moreover, the black church had an extensive social network in existence years before the Civil Rights Movement. This network facilitated the dissemination of information, the sharing of key leadership personnel, and mass mobilization. Thus, when the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was crippled from a region- wide attack by the southern white power structure, the black community had many dynamic and charismatic persons to fill the leadership void (Morris, 1984).

Morris' perspective is one of social movements rather than of black community development. The importance of his work for the present study, however, is the finding that the Civil Rights Movement was internally financed and organized. Relatively little funding and no leadership was external to the black community. Otherwise stated, without the efforts and sacrifices of blacks themselves to gain civil rights, it is unlikely that they would have gained those rights at that time. This is a marked departure from the view of the disproportionate impact of northern white liberals on the success of the Civil Rights Movement (Morris, 1984).
None of the above perspectives represents a model of black community development. These studies, along with those focusing on the black community (Hunter, 1953, 1980) or on the sociology of the community generally (Hawley, 1950; Hawley & Zimmer, 1970; Kasarda & Janowitz, 1974; Feagin, 1985), represent analyses of existing community conditions at a particular point in time. They do not offer theoretical insight into the potential means of improving those community conditions. Nonetheless, they are important to this study because they provide insight into the nature of the problems, which a model of black community development must address. In other words, although they fail to identify the essential elements of a viable model black community development, they provide at least some direction for the construction of such a model.

Perspectives on Community Development

As noted previously, black community development has not been a topic of research in the general literature on the sociology of the black community. Likewise, the issue has been virtually ignored in the specialty area of community development. In fact, in its first 18 years of existence, even the Journal of the Community Development Society has yet to feature an article on the topic (Woods et al., 1989). Preston and Enck (1989) presented an analysis of black leadership in their elaboration of a sub-community thesis. They, however, do not articulate a model of black community development. In his review of the state of community development as a discipline, Christenson (1980) found that the literature in the major community development journals tends to fall into three broad categories: 1) self-help approaches, 2) conflict approaches, and 3) technical assistance approaches.

More than two-thirds of all articles in the discipline have emphasized the self-help approach to community development (Christenson, 1980; Littrell, 1980). This approach stresses cooperation among community members to address issues of concern. Christenson (1980) notes that the primary advantage of this method is the inherent element of self-determination. Conversely, the disadvantage is that it may be better suited to middle class communities.

Relatively few articles in the community development journals have emphasized conflict. Moreover, most articles that have a conflict theme of community development tend to cite the work of others than to make direct use of this approach (Christenson, 1980; Robinson, 1980). The foci of conflict methods tend to be equitability in societal resources, the external power structure and confrontational tactics. This approach in community development has the advantage of effecting short-term change. It likewise has the disadvantage of being unlikely to sustain that change.

According to Christenson (1980), the technical assistance approach is represented by approximately one-fourth of all articles in the journals of community development. This method assumes that behavior is determined by structure, and tends to emphasize addressing concrete problems (e.g., rebuilding the community's infrastructure, developing strategies for economic development, etc.). While this approach may have the most enduring effect of the three, it has the disadvantage of ignoring grassroot input and participation.

These perspectives do not adequately address the issue of black community development for two basic reasons. First, they do not take into consideration the unique history and culture of blacks as a minority group in America. The extent to which black labor was exploited during the slavery era and eliminated from competition with whites in the labor force from the ii the post- reconstruction era to the present is unprecedented in American history (Lieberson, 1980; Franklin & Moss, 1988). Blacks experienced hostility from both the general white population and the federal government. For instance, self-help efforts by blacks were often met with violence when they were successful enough to be an economic threat to whites (Butler, 1991). Butler (1991) notes that the system of legal segregation in the South and de facto segregation in the North did not apply to white ethnics, Jews, Asians and Hispanics. In other words, despite the discrimination that these groups experienced, they were still allowed to compete and function in the general American economy (Stuart, 1940; Portes & Bach, 1985). Blacks, irrespective of social class, were relegated to a sub-economy that was vulnerable to white exploitation by law and custom (Stuart, 1940; Franklin & Moss, 1988). Finally, in contemporary America, blacks are still the most segregated group (Massey & Fong, 1990) and experience the greatest degree of prejudice and discrimination from whites (Lieberson, 1980; Jaynes & Williams, 1989). Thus, a viable model of community development for blacks must incorporate components that are relevant to the black experience in the United States. The self help, conflict and technical assistance approaches of community development are all too simplistic to adequately address the complexity of the issues of concern to black communities.

The second reason that existing models of community development are inappropriate for the black community is that they are not general enough to address both the internal and external problems of contemporary black America. Focusing on what are termed "macrocosmic" and "microcosmic" perspectives, Lewis (1974) alluded to this problem of the general sociological study of the community. However, from the standpoint of the black community, it is necessary to clarify the conceptualization of problems as being either internal or external. Internal problems of the black community are those that are amenable to the direct control of the community members. Thus, issues relative to black leadership, black class stratification, etc. fall into this category. External problems are those that are beyond the direct control of the black community. Racism, white apathy and general economic downturns in society are examples of external problems. This distinction is particularly important because the nature of a specific problem will dictate the approach required to adequately address it. Viewed from this perspective, the Civil Rights Movement addressed external problems. The success of the Civil Rights Movement in addressing segregation and discrimination by the broader white society is indicative of its appropriateness for those issues. Conversely, it is not surprising that the movement) has been less successful in addressing issues like black teenage pregnancy, the social isolation of the black underclass and increasing class stratification (Wilson, 1987). The Civil Rights Movement was not designed to handle internal problems (Wilson, 1980; Morris, 1984).

It is important to note that this typology is not an attempt to blame blacks for their own problems (Ryan, 1972). Nor is it an attempt to ignore the interrelationship between internal and external problems. However, based upon the history and sociology of the black community (Franklin & Moss, 1988; Blackwell, 1991), it is maintained that this internal-external typology advances the analysis of the black community in a manner to best facilitate black community development efforts.

This paper proposes to take the argument one step further by introducing a model of black community development.

THE BLACK ORGANIZATIONAL AUTONOMY MODEL OF
BLACK COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT

To facilitate black community development, an appropriate model is necessary. The complexities of the problems of blacks in the United States are such that the identification of single cause- effect relations would be no more meaningful than indicating that there is a need for broad-based change in the total social structure. A middle-range model would provide linkage between macro- and micro-level phenomena. relative to black community development (Merton, 1957). Moreover, this model would provide the basis for programmatic planning because it would facilitate the development of programs appropriate to the nature of the community problem (internal or external). Based upon the preceding analysis of black history and social condition, the model introduced in this paper is termed the Black Organizational Autonomy model.

In essence, the Black Organizational Autonomy (BOA) model main- tains that a viable black community will have community development organizations that either have or stress the following characteristics: 1) economically autonomous black social institutions; 2) internally developed and controlled data sources; 3) an emphasis on black history and culture; 4) the development and incorporation of females in leadership roles; and 5) socially inclusive leadership. An elaboration of the model follows.

Economically Autonomous Black Institutions

Economic autonomy is an indispensable feature of a viable black community (Woodson, 1933; King, 198 1; Cruse, 1987). The organi- zations of the black community must have the independence and control to develop programs and policies without devoting time- consuming thought to the political ramifications thereof (Blackwell, 1991). This is not to say that black community policy would be developed with total disregard for the sociopolitical milieu (Brown, 1991). Nor is this concept a call to forgo outside funding or donations. Economic autonomy is not synonymous with separatism. It is merely a realization that dependence on external sources of funding relinquishes control of the programs of black community organizations to external forces (Cross, 1984).

There are several historical examples of the significance of economic autonomy to black community development. The most prominent example is the black church in the United States (Blackwell, 1991). The primary reason that black leadership has been disproportionately found among black clergymen is that members of this group were among the very few in the black community that were independent of the white community for employment (Morris, 1984).

Light (1972) documents the Father Divine Movement as an example of the importance of black economic autonomy. Divine was able to provide food, clothing, shelter and employment for thousands during the Great Depression via the operation of his indigenously controlled and operated business empire. Wead (1983) demonstrated that economically autonomous organizations are necessary to dramatically improve the lifestyles of the black disadvantaged. He devised and successfully implemented a black homeownership program in low income neighborhoods based upon and financed by black community owned credit unions.

Green and Pryde (1990) cite the Majestic Eagles, Inc. as a black community organization that employs economically autonomous institutions as the primary means of advancing the interests of the black community:

The Majestic Eagles a Washington, D.C.-based voluntary association of black Americans, provides a variety of support services to minority business owners, aspiring entrepreneurs, and their families. United under the leadership of President John Raye, they propose to "redirect the black dollar by emphasizing black ownership of land, goods and services produced within the black community." As a business development organi- zation, they aim to bring together individuals with a variety of skills and experience to share information and expertise with each other. Members receive encouragement for developing their own concepts, talents, and ideas into viable businesses.

At present, the Majestic Eagles, Inc. administers a federally insured credit union for participating members; conducts weekly meetings, business, motivation, and entrepreneurship training seminars; and sponsors youth activity groups. Most activities take place at the organization's headquarters in a recently purchased building on Rhode Island Avenue, N.E. Plans are under way to purchase a group of homes in the northeast area of the District of Columbia, which Eagles members will then renovate and use for shared equity. In the near future, they intend to open a Majestic Eagles bank. They will also continue to encourage the formation of Eagles chapters in other cities in the United States. (pp. 143-144)

Butler (1991) documents the significance of the black community's tradition of self-help in the face of a legal system of segregation and oppression that functioned to eliminate blacks as competitors to whites in American society:

Indeed, by 1900, a complete program of racial segregation was in place, and the economic detour became a fundamental reality of Afro-American entrepreneurship. In addition to responding with the development of business activity, one of the strongest traditions of self-help ever to be developed in America was established by Afro-Americans.

They developed private educational institutions that ranged from the elementary levels to college. They built churches, developed financial institutions to finance the building of homes, established self-help fraternal societies, and started their own insurance companies. No other group in the history of America has had to "go-it-alone" as did Afro-Americans at the turn of the century. The institutions which they built are a testimony to sheer entrepreneurship effort and the indomitability of the human spirit. (p. 316)

The emphasis on economically autonomous black institutions is the most important component of the BOA model. It is this component that facilitates the development of the other aspects of the model. Moreover, it provides for the initiation and sustaining of programs that address problems that outlast the interest and support of the general American public (Gans, 1988; Kluegel, 1990). The importance of economically autonomous black social institutions is most evident when they are absent from the black community. A contemporary example is the failed attempt by the Detroit black leadership to initiate a separate school for black boys (Jones, 1991). Based on an Afrocentric curriculum and with black male teachers, the school had the aim of reaching that segment of the black community, and American society, that is most at risk of unemployment, poverty, homicide and incarceration. The attempt to establish the school failed because of lawsuits brought on by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and the National Organization for Women (NOW)--two organizations that historically had been considered to be allies of the black community. Whether the program would have been successful is not a point of debate here. The issue is, the black community did not have an opportunity to find out because: 1) its interests diverged with those of white liberals; and 2) it was attempting to develop a program that was dependent upon funding from external sources (Jones, 1991).

Internally Developed and Controlled Data Sources

The importance of current and valid information to community survival cannot be overstated (Rossi & Freeman, 1985). Thus, a model of black community development must emphasize the creation and maintenance of data banks by community members. Otherwise, outside parties will continue to determine the issues worthy of sociological study within the black community. Moreover, proper and efficient data collection is necessary to identify specific problems, to develop and monitor service delivery programs, and to assess their effectiveness. In fact, the collection and control of unique data would also provide the black community (and its leaders) with additional power when negotiating with representatives of outside parties. For instance, information on the opinions of black community members on current local, state, or national issues can be employed to persuade public officials of the need to change policies having an impact on the community. Furthermore, these officials can be apprised of the likely consequences of a failure to respond to black community concerns. Statements made by black community leaders can be based upon an analysis of the data rather than on emotional speculation. Finally, data on the black community can be employed to communicate and inform community members of internal trends and issues. This may very well be the most important function of such an internally controlled and maintained data base. Clearly, all potential applications of such a resource are not exhausted here. Nevertheless, the fact remains that in this information age, the lack of such data is a serious impediment to proper black community planning and development.

Emphasis on Black History and Culture

The major obstacle to cohesiveness within the black community is the increasing level of class inequality among its members (Frazier, 1957; Wilson, 1980). The dramatic increase in the black middle class and greater freedom of choice in terms of place of residence has produced two groups of blacks that are socially and culturally distinct (Wilson, 1987, 1991). An emphasis on black history and culture or black ethnicity is needed. As a central component of a black community development program, stressing historical and cultural commonalities is likely to be the best strategy to overcome interethnic divisions within the black community (Woodson, 1933; Frazier, 1957; Franklin & Moss, 1988). Consequently, blacks from relatively privileged backgrounds will be less likely to blame the black disadvantaged for their "inability to make it." Also, the black disadvantaged will be less likely to view the black middle class with distrust and disdain.

An emphasis on black history and culture is also important for another reason that is relevant to black community development. It is with history that the contemporary black community can re- learn the lessons of how to rebuild indigenous social institutions (Cruse, 1987). Jaynes and Williams (1989) document the role of these institutions in mitigating the impact of a racially segregated society. Placed in the context of the deteriorating employment situation for white Americans, and the tendency to use blacks as scapegoats (Gans, 1988; Katz, 1989), the rebuilding of indigenous black institutions is likely to become a priority for the black community again. Hence, history and culture provide the blueprint for a successful model of black community development.

The Development and Incorporation of
Females in Leadership Roles

The dramatic increase in black households headed by females over the last two decades has received a considerable amount of attention by sociologists (Click, 1988; Farley & Allen, 1987) although the issue of the number of unattached and well-educated women in the black community has not been addressed in the context of black community development (Jaynes & Williams, 1989). If current trends in the broader society persist, the number of black females in this category is likely to increase. One has to only observe the support base of the black community's strongest institution, the black church. Without the consistent and loyal participation of the black female, the black church could not exist (Nelson & Nelson, 1-975). Similar arguments can be made for other social organizations in the black community (Millburn & Bowman, 1991). Conversely, leadership in the black community tends to be male-dominated. A viable black community development program must utilize the best talent from within. Thus, females should have equal access to leadership positions, and a gender- neutral policy on the development and promotion of leaders should be a major component of black community development efforts. Otherwise, the black community will continue to underutilize its human resources as well as, perpetuate the sex inequality of the broader society.

Socially Inclusive Leadership

The black community has historically been highly heterogeneous and continues to be in contemporary times (DuBois, 1999; Wilson,.1980; O'Hare et al., 1991). Thus, it should come as no surprise that heterogeneity is reflected in the leadership of the black community (Childs, 1989). Placed in the context of the BOA model, this implies that the recruitment and development of black leadership must be inclusive relative to class and political orientation.

Class has historically been an issue of debate and divisiveness in the black community (Frazier, 1957; Wilson, 1980). DuBois (1903) argued that the elite among the black population, the "talented tenth," had the potential to uplift the entire race. A review of history demonstrates that a disproportionate number of the black leaders that have been recognized by the white media have elite origins (Sowell, 1980; Childs, 1989). Yet, many of the most effective leaders in the black community have been grassroots people (Morris, 1984; Childs, 1989). The task in contemporary times is to bridge the growing schism within the black community between the classes. This is unlikely to be accomplished by a patronizing black middle class which assumes that its natural place is that of leadership in the community (Childs, 1989). History demonstrates that black community development is most effective when black leadership is representative of the various social classes of the community (Franklin & Moss, 1988; Butler, 1991).

Social inclusiveness as a major component of the BOA model also involves acceptance and cooperation among black leaders of significantly different political philosophies and social policy orientations. The historical pattern in the black community has been that of intolerance and in-fighting among black leaders of different social and political agendas. The most legendary feud in the black community was that between Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. DuBois (DuBois, 1903). However, an examination of the conflicts between: 1) Martin Luther King and Roy Wilkins; 2) Marcus Garvey and the black establishment of his era; and 3) Jesse Jackson and the entire black civil rights establishment of contemporary times, reveals that the issue of social inclusiveness is no small issue (Franklin & Moss, 1988; Childs, 1989). Intolerance is exemplified when black liberals and conservatives refuse to lay aside philosophical differences for the good of the community (Childs, 1989). In-fighting occurs when black leaders compete to be recognized by the white power structure as the "official" spokesperson for the black community (Blackwell, 1991). The historical evidence supports the notion that no single strategy is sufficient for the development of the black community. Depending upon the nature of the problem, often political solutions are required (King, 1981); in other instances, cooperative economics is the proper response (Wead, 1983). The key is to bring the best aspects of different philosophical and social approaches to black community development efforts (Butler, 1991). It is for this reason that social inclusiveness is a component of the BOA model.

CASE STUDY: THE BLACK COMMUNITY DEVELOPERS
PROGRAM, INC., LITTLE ROCK, ARKANSAS

The case of the Black Community Developers of Little Rock (BCD) represents an example of how the BOA model can be utilized to address a wide range of issues and concerns of the black community. The organization was studied by the author from July 1987 to July 1989. During this time, the author attended approximately 140 meetings and events of the BCD (including regular monthly meetings, biweekly committee meetings, emergency and special purpose meetings, and public events and programs). In a two year period, the BCD went from a small, outreach program of Theressa Hoover United Methodist Church to become one of the most prominent and respected black organizations in the state. Initially, the program consisted of a food and clothing pantry and a shelter for the homeless. Today, the program is a leading developer/sponsor of regional antidrug conferences, organizer of public forums/debates for candidates of major state offices, and is at the vanguard of the recognized leadership in the black community.

The BCD began its ascent to prominence with economic autonomy. The organization decided in the summer of 1987 to sponsor a major black musical production, an unprecedented event for Little Rock, as a fund raiser. Being unable to secure credit from the city to rent its arena, the leaders of the organization invested their own personal savings in order to reserve the facilities and the services of the production company. Donations from black businesses were successfully solicited to meet advertising costs. All phases of the planning, promotion and ticket sales were conducted by the members of the organization. Sponsors for disadvantaged black children were successfully secured. In short, the BCD made certain that all strata of the black community were represented among the audience. This was the basis of the group's broad-based appeal. It transformed a musical production into a community event.

The fundraiser was an overwhelming success. The BCD exceeded its projected net profits. It also gained statewide and regional recognition overnight. As a result of the program: 1) the city advanced the organization credit for its future projects (i.e., it was allowed to pay for renting the arena after the event); 2) businesses and organizations external to the black community were eager to sponsor BCD programs and activities; 3) a two-tiered membership structure was developed to accommodate the growing number of people in the black community who wanted to get involved with the BCD; and 4) the organization developed an internal base of funding for ongoing programs and projects.

The BCD also demonstrates the other characteristics of the BOA model of black community development. The BCD conducted its own research on the needs and attitudes of the black community. By so doing, it could act decisively on the development of programs and activities--irrespective of the opinions and actions of those external to the community. The organization evolved out of the black church. Thus, it benefited from the experience, leadership and credibility of the supervising pastor.
The majority of the leaders and membership of the BCD were females. Thus, the persons with the experience in doing the work in church and community-related organizations also had the authority to make key decisions. Finally, the organization was democratic and socially inclusive in nature. The membership was comprised of individuals from various educational and occupational levels. Most importantly, no one in the BCD was part of the established elite of Little Rock. With the exception of the supervising pastor, no one in the group was well known. However, everyone in the group had a grassroots orientation to addressing black community problems.

IMPLICATIONS FOR COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT
PRACTITIONERS

The BOA model has three implications for community development practitioners. First, efforts to address problems of the black community are more likely to be successful when indigenous groups are empowered to plan and act independently of external factors. This empowerment is derived from economic autonomy. To reiterate, economic autonomy is not separatism. Nor does it imply that the black community should either reject or ignore external supporters and allies. In fact, the evidence suggests that being economically autonomous is the best basis for gaining external support and building lasting alliances. Otherwise, the black community has a subordinate, dependent status. One might argue that such is the current status of the black community. Recent studies documenting the attitudes and opinions of white America toward black America certainly demonstrate that dependency makes the black community vulnerable to scapegoating (Gans, 1988; Kluegel, 1990).

The second implication of the BOA model for practitioners is that effective black community development is unlikely to be realized without the support of the black church. For historical and cultural reasons, it is the only autonomous institution in the black community. It likewise is the institution that is most likely to gain broad-based community support. Finally, the black church can advocate black community autonomy without being labeled as a separatist or radical group by external parties.
Finally, it is important to note that black community development is not synonymous with civil rights advocacy. The latter is a narrower concept. Its primary focus is one specific, external problem. The former is a broad concept that incorporates strategies to address both internal and external problems. Black community development is a more time-intensive, long-term process because it involves institution building. Thus, it is more frustrating, more tedious and less glamorous than civil rights advocacy. It is for this reason that flamboyant personalities and members of the black elite are not likely to be involved in groups with a community development orientation. Consequently, practitioners are most likely to find support from the less prominent members of the black community--particularly those with a grassroots orientation to community problem solving. Such a group is most likely to implement the BOA model.

CONCLUSION

This paper introduced a model for black community development: the Black Organizational Autonomy (BOA) model. The model emphasized the development of indigenous black social institutions with the following characteristics: 1) economic autonomy; 2) internally developed and controlled data systems; 3) an emphasis on black history and culture; 4) the development and incorporation of females in leadership roles; and 5) socially inclusive leadership. An analysis of the history and sociology of the black community, along with a case study, was presented to provide support for the model.

Black community development is likely to become increasingly im- portant in contemporary America. At this writing, apparent civil rights gains for blacks is a controversial issue. As economic and occupational opportunities for whites decrease, public outcries of the unfairness of affirmative action programs are commonplace. Efforts are under way in Congress to prohibit college scholarships targeted for minorities at colleges and universities that receive federal funding. The president has gone on record in favor of eliminating affirmative action measures in federal employment and program policies. Irre- spective of the final outcome of such efforts, it is clear that the public support for promoting the interests of blacks and other minorities has waned considerably. Consequently, black community development is the best approach to addressing the concerns of the black community--irrespective of the political climate. The BOA model is a strategy for black community development worthy of consideration.

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